| Madhibaan مطيبان | |
| Type: | Hawiye Somali clan |
| Ethnicity: |  Somali |
| Location: | Somalia Ethiopia Djibouti Kenya Yemen Oman |
| Religion: | Sunni Islam |
| Descended: | Sheikh Ahmed Bin Abdulrahman Bin Uthman |
| Parent Tribe: | Gorgaarte |
| Branches: |
|
| Language: | Somali Arabic |
| Population: | 1,548,000[1] [2] |
The Madhiban (Somali: Madhibaan, Arabic:مطيبان, also spelled ماديبان, Madeban, Madebaan, or Madebban) alternately known as Reer Sheikh Madhibe or Mohammed Gorgaarte,[3] [4] are a prominent Somali sub-clan of the Gorgaarte, which belongs to the Hawiye conglomerate of clans.They are scattered throughout the Horn of Africa, with the majority residing in the northern part of Somalia (Somaliland and Puntland) and Ethiopia.
The Madhibaan traditionally consist of hunters, artisans skilled in ironworking, producers of goods such as weapons, leather products, textiles, and silver ornaments,[5] traditional surgeons and doctors,[6] and farmers.[7] [8] They were also nomadic and engaged in trade. Their influence extends across the Horn of Africa, reflecting their significant impact on Somali society and the broader region’s economic and cultural landscape.[9]
The name "Madhibaan" is believed to come from the forefather of the Madhibaan people, Sheikh Madhibe, who was known for his peaceful nature and for not troubling anyone. In Somali, "Madhibaan" means "the one who doesn't bother."[10]
The name Midgaan is the primary term used to refer to the Madhibaan people in historical literature. There are different theories about what "Midgaan" means. Richard Burton documented the name as meaning "One (Mid) Hand (gaan)."[11] However, it seems more likely that the second part of the term refers to the word gane, plural ganeyyaal, meaning "archer" (cf. also ganayya, "to shoot an arrow").
The Madhiban are a part of the Somali ethnic group found in East Africa, particularly in Somalia, Ethiopia, northeastern Kenya, and Djibouti.[12] [13]
Madhibaan in Harar (1857) in The Irish Quarterly Review, summarizing the book First Footsteps in East Africa, by R. F. Burton:
At a pass in the Kundudo mountain, a crowd of Galla spearmen endeavored to intercept his passage, and to levy toll from his baggage, but he succeeded in getting through them unscathed, and reached at length the environs of Harrar. Here is a large plain, studded with villages of the madhibaan tribe; gardens of limes, plantains, and pomegranites line the ways; women appear on the roadside selling ghee, cotton, and other wares, and the brown terraced walls and houses of the town, with its scanty minarets, are seen at length in the distance.[14]
Madhibaan in Harar (1998) reported by Abdurahman Garad:
In some neighborhoods, (namely) Badro Bari and Suk't'ät Bari, there are districts where few Amharic people live, and there are districts (there) where the tribes called madhibaan, the blacksmiths live.[15]
Madhibaan In Zeila, Harar, Somali Region, and Afar region (1888) reported by Paulitschke
At Zeila, Bia-Kabôba, Dialdésse, and Harar, I had the opportunity to observe Jibêr, Tomâl, and madhibaan individuals in particular, and although I must confess that much larger and more extensive material is required to study this question than is available to me in this respect, I must nevertheless confess that the representatives of the Pariah races seemed to me to be completely different from the Somâl proper, not only socially but also physically.[16]The Midgan individuals I saw at Dialdêssa, a place where the Somâl live quite peacefully alongside the Galla, seemed to me to resemble the latter in shape and appearance, but to have finer and more delicate countenances. Also from the lighter skin color, which I had the opportunity to observe on several madhibaan, I believe I can deduce their Galla origin. Among the Somäl tribes of the Ogaden, the Midgän are said to be present in large numbers and represent small individuals in comparison to the Somâl. Among the Danakil on the Hawas we also find the Midgän as experienced hunters.
The Madhibaan people, along with other groups such as Yibir, Tumaal, and Muse, have long faced systemic marginalization within Somali society. Often excluded from the broader concept of "Somaliness," these groups have been subject to Heeb Sooc—a process of social exclusion or "othering" that places them outside the accepted social boundaries. This marginalization is rooted in long-standing cultural stigmas and unfounded myths, leading to their classification as lesser Somalis and second-class citizens.[17] [18]
This pervasive marginalization has affected nearly every aspect of life for the Madhibaan, from social interactions to opportunities for education and employment. Despite changes in Somali society over time, the legacy of these entrenched prejudices continues to impact the Madhibaan and other similar groups, leaving them to navigate a complex landscape of exclusion and limited opportunities.[17]
The Madhibaan people, along with the Yibir and Tumaal, were historically part of the Saab group, while the rest of the Somalis were part of the Aji. This system functioned in a caste-like manner, separating the nomadic Aji from the largely non-nomadic Saab. According to Lee Gunderson, Dennis Murphy Odo, and Reginald D'Silva, the Madhibaan (referred to as Midgan in some texts) have traditionally been treated as a low caste, scorned and reviled within Somali society.[19] A Madhibaan, considered polluting and therefore avoided as taboo, was marginalized and discriminated against in Somali society.[19] [20]
Historically, Somali culture has systematically marginalized the Madhibaan people through unwritten laws known as xeer. These laws played a crucial role in maintaining and enforcing the social hierarchy that discriminated against the Madhibaan and other groups such as the Yibir, Tumaal, and Muse. The xeer codified their exclusion from Somali society, denying them representation and basic rights. Madhibaan leaders who attempted to assert their rights or represent their people were often met with violence, and in some cases, were even killed.[21] [22]
The xeer also imposed severe restrictions on what the Madhibaan could own, limiting their access to land, property, and education. These laws dictated how they could live their lives, restricting their opportunities and reinforcing their status as second-class citizens. The pervasive nature of these unwritten laws ensured that the Madhibaan remained marginalized, unable to fully participate in the social, economic, or political life of Somali society.[18]
Under Somalia's military administration, some Madhiban were appointed to positions within the government to promote integration. The Madhiban have since obtained wider political representation. Their general social status has also improved with the expansion of urban centers.[23]
During the brief period in 2006 when the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) controlled southern Somalia, the ICU condemned discrimination against clans like the Madhibaan, Yibir and Somali Bantu as un-Islamic. A member involved with the ICU, who was a member of these clans, stated, "The best system that can end discrimination (takoor) against us is Islam. Nobody can come to me and say I have a monopoly over the Islamic identity, but one can say you are not clan X because your lineage does not conform to that clan's lineage system."[24]
The marginalization of the Madhibaan people continues today, manifesting in several ways including exclusion from government resources, lack of access to education, and widespread discrimination. Madhibaan neighborhoods often receive minimal attention from the government and are excluded from essential resources such as water and education.[25] [18]
A prime example is the Daami neighborhood in Hargeisa, which is predominantly inhabited by the Gabooye including Madhibaan. This area is one of the poorest in Hargeisa and receives scant attention from the government, highlighting how the Madhibaan are systematically excluded from vital resources and support.[26]
The political representation of the Madhibaan is severely limited. In the Somali government, the Madhibaan are classified as part of the 0.5 group, which restricts their political influence to only two seats in parliament. This underrepresentation reflects the broader exclusion of Madhibaan people from key decision-making processes and political power.[27]
The first recorded reference to the Madhibaan people dates back to 1435 in Suleiman's translation of Ibn Majid's writings and poems found in Ababn Majid. In this text, Suleiman identifies the Madhibaan as Al-madhibaan, emphasizing their distinction as a separate nation from the Somali people. He briefly mentions the name Al Somali as well.[28]
Pipalo, alternatively known as the Madhiban Sultanate, emerged as a historical kingdom between the 6th and 8th centuries, flourishing until the 14th century in the region between Berbera and Zeila. Over this extensive timeline, the kingdom evolved, encompassing four major cities and numerous towns, and establishing a distinctive presence in the historical narrative.[29]
Renowned for their reliance on camels and sheep, the inhabitants of Pipalo utilized these animals for sustenance and culinary purposes. The kingdom's significance extended beyond its faunal richness, as it became a prominent exporter of valuable commodities like ambergris, large elephant tusks, and rhinoceros horns, some exceeding ten catties in weight.
In addition to its economic prosperity, Pipalo boasted affluence in myrrh, liquid storax gum, and remarkably thick tortoise shells. The kingdom's unique combination of natural resources and distinctive wildlife, including the elusive "camel-crane" and the unique tsu-la, contributed to its cultural identity.
A notable aspect of Pipalo's cultural practices was the inhabitants' hunting expertise. Skilled marksmen, they employed poisoned arrows to capture and hunt the indigenous wildlife. This hunting tradition added a unique dimension to Pipalo's historical significance, making it a notable player in the regional dynamics until the 14th century.
In the year 629 AH (1231 AD), a significant battle occurred between the Madhibaan and the Makhzumi dynasty on a Friday in the month of 'Ashura'. Sultan 'Abdallah was captured in Gidaya after nearly two years. He died in the year 632 AH (1234 AD) on the twentieth night of Ramadan, marking the end of the Makhzumi dynasty[30]
The Madhibaan have been integral to Somali society's healthcare practices for centuries. Their medical knowledge, passed down through generations, combines rational, and religious approaches. This blend of practices is common in Somali culture, where both traditional healers and lay practitioners from the Madhibaan tribe, known as wadads, provide medical care.[31] [32]
The wadad or "doctor" may be a traditional healer with acquired medical knowledge or a layman from the Madhibaan tribe. Surgery, gynaecology, obstetrics, and treatment of infant diseases are primarily in the hands of Madhibaan practitioners. Their womenfolk, in particular, play a crucial role in these fields.
The medical lore of the Madhibaan is traditionally passed from father to son or mother to daughter. This knowledge is not confined to a closed circle; it can also be taught to strangers for a fee. For instance, in 1947, a woman named Nuria gained fame for her herbal treatments after receiving instructions in a vision, attracting patients from as far as Aden and Djibouti.
Madhibaan surgeons have developed significant expertise in various surgical fields. Their instruments, made of iron with wooden handles, include knives, forceps, gimlets, and scissors. Despite the lack of modern anesthesia, their surgical techniques are advanced. They practice haemostasis with pressure dressings, use myrrh on incisions, and employ thorns as needles with vegetable fibers for stitching.
Wounds are treated by removing foreign bodies, using acacia roots for haemostasis, and dressing with bark. For snake bites, a ligature is applied proximally, the wound is incised and packed with salt. Burns are treated with sugar and oil, while trepanning is performed for skull fractures.
Reported by Gurlt in 1898:
Among the Somal, the Midgan are practical surgeons who treat quickly healing broken bones very well[33]
Madhibaan women excel in gynaecology, obstetrics, and infant care. They use various herbal treatments and manual techniques for menstrual disturbances, venereal diseases, and other reproductive health issues. For instance, excessive menstrual periods are treated with the gum habab agagi and hot compresses.
The Madhibaan are well-versed in the use of poisonous plants. They use arrow poisons made from plants like Acocanthera schimperi and Adenium somalense for hunting. This knowledge extends to recognizing and treating poisonings in humans and animals.
The Madhibaan people, like the Yibir, have a distinct dialect that sets them apart from the mainstream Somali language. Early 20th-century Western linguists classified this dialect as a unique form of Somali. Notably, the Madhibaan and Yibir dialects share a significant number of words, reflecting a close linguistic relationship between these two groups.[34]
Enrico Cerulli documented the language of the Harla community, known as af Harlaad, which bore a resemblance to the dialects spoken by the Madhibaan and Yibir. This linguistic similarity underscores the deep historical connections and cultural exchanges among these marginalized communities.
J.W.C. Kirk, a British infantry officer stationed in British Somaliland, provided a detailed account of the Madhibaan dialect in his 1905 grammar of Somali. Kirk noted that the Madhibaan and Yibir dialects differ significantly from the dominant Somali language, a distinction that serves to maintain secrecy and protect the autonomy of these groups. According to Kirk, the secrecy of their dialects was crucial in preventing the ruling class from exerting total dominance over the subservient clans.
Kirk repeatedly emphasized the importance of this secrecy, urging readers not to disclose the details of the Madhibaan dialect to any Somali not of Yibir or Madhibaan descent. This sentiment was echoed by the German linguist Adolf Walter Schleicher in his 1892 grammar of the Somali language, highlighting the ongoing need to preserve the confidentiality of these unique linguistic forms.
In more recent times, linguist Roger Blench, referencing Kirk, noted that the dialects of the Madhibaan and Yibir differ substantially in lexicon from standard Somali. However, it remains unclear whether this divergence is due to a distinct linguistic code or if it represents entirely separate languages.